Rotimi Amaechi’s Victory Challenged
July 29, 2008 by 
Che Oyimnatumba · 1 Comment
Finally, a ray of judicial hope appears in the questionable imposition of Rotimi Amaechi as governor of Rivers State by the Supreme Court. The Democratic Peoples Party (DPP) candidate in the 14 April 2007 election in Rivers State, Sergeant Awuse has petitioned the National Judicial Council (NJC) over the refusal of both the Rivers State Election Petition Tribunal and the Court of Appeal to hear his appeal challenging the victory of the PDP in the election.
Awuse wants the NJC to reconstitute an Election Petition Tribunal to hear his petition alleging massive irregularities. According to Awuse, the law cannot trade off these irregularities, rigging, allotment of votes and unlawful votes INEC donated to PDP. He further more stated that the Supreme Court’s resolution of the PDP primary crisis in favour of Amaechi, is different from the general election.
Both the Election Petition Tribunal and the Court of Appeal, has refused to hear Awuse’s petition on the grounds that the Supreme Court had ordered Amaeachi the rightful PDP candidate and all votes cast for PDP in the election be deemed for Amaechi. It is this blank cheque that Awuse is challenging, reasoning that, the election that produced the votes PDP claimed, was rigged and should be held up to the rules of the Electoral Act.
In the run up to the election, Amaechi’s name was substituted with Celestine Omehia, who contested the general election on the platform of the PDP against other political parties in accordance with the Electoral Act.
Rotimi Amaechi, never stood for the general election, as he was not fielded by the PDP.
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Sanitizing the Electoral Process in Nigeria (2)
July 3, 2008 by Uche Ohia · Leave a Comment
One conclusion that can be drawn from the large turnouts and enthusiastic presentations at the public sittings of the Electoral Review Committee (ERC) held across the federation over the last few weeks is that Nigerians are totally fed up with elections that are manipulated and outcomes that are at variance with the wishes of the people. The prevailing anxiety for a transparent electoral process is buoyed by widespread appreciation of the multifarous problems that engender electoral malfeasance: presenter after presenter catalogued the maladies in the electoral process and, with astonishing consistency, pointed out the way forward.
The topical issues about which the most strindent and repeated calls were made by state governments, political parties, professional bodies, traditional institutions, religious groups, trade unions, security agencies, NGOs, and individuals that appeared at the various venues of the ERC sittings included the issue of the autonomy of the Independent Electoral Commission (INEC) and the appointment of it’s helmsman. Many presenters harped, quite rightly, on the need to take the institution saddled with the responsibility for the conduct of the election away from the influence of the executive arm of government. To do this, the general opinion was that the funding of INEC should be charged direct to the consolidated revenue fund. This would release the commission from the whims and caprices of an executive arm of government that is at all material times an interested party in electoral combats.
An amendment of the laws with provisions for INEC to be headed by a retired justice of the Supreme Court, for membership of the commission to be reserved for non-partisan persons of impeccable integrity, for independent candidates to be recognized, to peg political parties to a minimum of two or a maximum of five and for the adoption of “Option A4” (modified open/secret ballot system) were also widely canvassed. While, some argued that delimiting the number of political parties would constitute an infringement of constitutional rights of citizens, many averred that a great percentage of the political parties in Nigeria exist in name only – and are virtually kept alive not by any membership commitments but by the largess which the unnecessary fiscal grant by the federal and state governments to political parties constitutes.
Another issue of widespread concern was the interminable duration of election petitions. While petitions linger, impostors occupy public offices – and eventually use it to legitimize their position. Worse still, the statutory provisions for uniform conduct of particular elections contained in S. 48 of the Electoral Act 2006 and S. 180(2) (b) of the 1999 CFRN have been blasted because by virtue of the landmark decision of the Supreme Court in Peter Obi v INEC, the tenure of Governors who were sworn in the aftermath of elections nullified or ordered by the Court of Appeal will now end at varying times. Elections thereto cannot, therefore, be held “at the same time and place in the federation”. The way out, for many, is to ensure that general elections are conducted three to six months before the prescribed date of swearing in so that all election petitions and appeals can be disposed of before the swearing in of elected persons. And any person howsoever elected after the swearing in date should be considered to be serving out the term as if they were sworn in on the prescribed swearing in date.
Concerning the so-called State Independent Electoral Commissions (SIECs), the general opinion was that these contraptions be scrapped and legislated out of existence having failed to meet the vision behind their establishment. The SIECs were found to be vulnerable to manipulation by the appointing authority - the Governor and the ruling party in their various states. To restore the integrity of the electoral process at the grassroots levels, the consensus was that the duties of SIECs be reverted to INEC which, not being under the apron strings of state authorities, is better placed to provide a level playing field for all candidates.
The absence of internal democracy in the political parties was also placed on the chopping block. In particular, the predilection to “consensus candidates” was seen as an abbreviation the democratic process which facilitated the imposition of candidates and the subordination of the will of the people to the wishes of those who control the party. Given the provisions of S. 133(a) and 179(a) of the 1999 CFRN, which stipulate that even when one candidate emerges for the office of President or Governor prior to an election, the popularity of such candidate must be determined through the ballot box, the general view was that the only acceptable “consensus” should be the consensus of the ballot box.
Of course, some of the problems identified as hamstringing the electoral process and some of the recommendations made at the ERC sittings will require constitutional amendments to implement. But it must be clear that in matters of elections, the process is as important - if not more important - than the outcome. If, therefore, it becomes necessary to amend the constitution in order to ensure that the desire of the people to have sustenable democracy is realized, public expectation will be that the members of the National Assembly see that the requisite amendments are made expeditiously. Afterall, the reason why they are in congress in the first place is to effectuate the wishes of the people.
As the ERC begins to sieve the grains from the inevitable chaff in the myriad presentations which it has received, there is reasonable apprehension in the polity: Nigeria has a poor record of utilizing the recommendations of panels or committees which are set up to investigate one national malady or the other. The presidency is generally regarded as a burial ground where painstakingly written reports the pages of which hold the proactive solutions to national challenges are allowed to gather dust. This fate must not befall the report of the ERC. The countdown to the 2011 election has already begun. If there is any legacy that the Yar’Adua administration can leave for the nation, it is to adopt whatever measures and institute whatever framework that is necessary to ensure that in 2011 and all subsequent elections, the wishes of the people prevail.
All said, how much any electoral reform in Nigeria will succeed will depend on how far the attitude of the people can also be reformed to see the ballot box as the ultimate arbiter in electoral matters. It will also, to a great extent, depend on how far the members of the national assembly will be prepared to go in order to put a statutory restraint on the illogical activities of the Revenue Mobilization Allocation and Fiscal Commission which has transformed public office in Nigeria into a lotto that guarantees instant wealth.
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Managing Democracy in Africa
June 12, 2008 by OCI · 2 Comments
June 12 memories remains evergreen in the hearts and minds of Nigerian whether democratic by pronouncement, association or in practice as well as amongst the un-democratic in our midst.
So many years after the initial flicker of light into the world of democracy, we are still struggling to consolidate on the gains supposedly accruing from its establishment. We still grope in the the darkness of corruption, mal-administration, nepotism, ethnicity and allied dark practices. Who is to blame?
It may not be the best of time to apportion blames but we should be resilient and ready to learn and accomodate each others views so that we will be united in Managing the mega fortunes that June 12 brought our way in its wake.
Managing democracy in Africa is an uphill task and will remain a mirage unless there is a genuine effort by African leaders to go beyond selfishness and dishonesty to make policies that are people oriented; until then Democracy will remain a Mirage in Many African countries not only in Nigeria.
Ali Mazrui throws more light into ‘Why Democracy is still a Mirage in Most African Countries’ in his review of the post elections crisis in Kenya and the aftermath of Zimbabwe’s in-conclusive elections; he asks, how can democracy in Africa be better Managed? Can we anticipate better some of the pitfalls? To these he posits thus;
Democratisation needs to be planned; it calls for a sense of direction and specific stages towards fuller implementation of its agenda. Planning includes multiparty convention to discuss fully the rest of the stages towards fuller democratisation. (Ali Mazrui)
We may have tried a bit of these in our democracy; we have planned, have allowed parties to contribute and as well as opened the flood gate for mushroom political parties to sprout. Yet, we are not in any way moving toward fuller democratisation.
We are akin to blaming it on so many factors both founded and un-founded. No doubt our democracy in Africa is being threatened as observed here;
Democracy in Africa has previously been threatened or undermined by various societal, systemic and global factors. Societal factors have included ethnic rivalry, regional disparities, gender inequalities and weak national political culture.
Systemic threats to African democracy have included the pull towards presidential concentration of power, single party monopoly of power, the shadow of the military on the political process with a serious risk of military intervention, and existence of an ideological void at the national level.
Perils to African democracy have also included global threats in form of excessive foreign penetration of economies, and the impact of the arms trade on the balance of power within African countries.
In addition, there has been too much readiness by external powers to consolidate, defend or bail out African tyrants unpopular with their own people. This was so when it was in the interest of those external forces to back up the African tyrants. ( Ali Mazrui )
Nigeria’s democracy today is under threat and it needs the concerted efforts of all Nigerians to steer us away from the impeding crash. It can still be averted, we can still change things. It is never late too to start march towards the much needed democratisation changes. Our democracy can still be managed so that the spirit may not die, the light will not be quenched and the bloods shed in the June 12 aftermaths may not have been shed in vain. How do we make a start now(?) Which areas need s managing in our democracy (?)
Let us resolved today to manage our democracy better for a more democratic Nigeria and Africa.
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Nedbank SA applies for license in Nigeria
June 5, 2008 by OCI · 2 Comments
Opening a bank in Nigeria has become easier, thanks to the Minister of National Planning, Senator Sanusi Daggash. This ascertion was made during President Yar’Adua current state visit to South Africa.
According to Nigerian Tribune, in response to a request by Nedbank South Africa’s CEO Siphiwe Cele for assistance to facilitate their current move to bring their services into Nigeria; it reports
Sanusi Daggash, the Nigerian Minister for National Planning, who was in the entourage of President Yar’Adua, reassured Cele, saying all the bank needed to do was fill in the right forms and the licence would be granted.
I do not know what you think, but it leaves a bad taste in the mouth if it takes filling only the right forms for approval to be granted to a bank to operate in Nigeria. I hope the the CBN Governor thinks otherwise.
One is quick to ask, what the Minister of National Planning has got to do with banking license in Nigeria? I think it is important that these Minister know where there areas of expertise are especially in maters like this.
Application for a banking license to the best of my ability trancends beyond filling of forms. I sincerely hope, the Minister meant another thing or is being quoted out of context as the case will always be.
We look forward to a successful application process while waiting to welcome Nedbank to our great country.
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Barack Obama Wins Democratic nomination
June 4, 2008 by Che Oyimnatumba · Leave a Comment
African warhorse Senator Barack Obama, galloped into the history of the world by being the first non-white to clinch the nomination of a major political party in America.
The Kenyan raked in 2,118 delegate votes to out shine Hillary Clinton. Throughout the 54 contests of the campaign to last Tuesday, the resilience and African spirit of never say die despite all odds, kept Obama in the race. Like his antelope footed marathon runner brothers, he kept focused, broke fundraising records, attracted and made Africa proud.
Now that our skin has been hoisted on the top echelon of world politics, the leaders in Motherland (continent of Africa), should use this clarion call to redefine the mentalities of the African people. It is possible to rebuild Africa. All our leaders need is an audacity of hope and the faith to drive through ageless deprivation by the colonial mentality.
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Dirty Politics in Africa - Time to Clean Up
May 5, 2008 by OCI · 8 Comments
By Obang Metho
The African roosters are crowing from the north to the south to the east and to the west as the first rays of dawn’s light are cracking through the darkness hanging over Africa. From all over the continent, Africans are awakening to a new understanding of their God-given rights, their democratic rights and with them, to the desire to rule themselves. No longer are they willing to put up with a legacy of corrupt, greedy and power-hungry dictators, no different from the colonizers, who controlled the continent for years with their evil policies of divide and conquer.
The people of Ethiopia, Kenya, Zimbabwe, Chad, Nigeria, Somalia, Uganda, the Congo—too many places to name, are challenging the status quo of dirty politics and dirty politicians, not with guns, but with their brooms! We are entering a new era and it is time to clean our huts of corrupt leaders who refuse to give up power while robbing and oppressing the people they are supposed to serve! This is the root of our suffering, misery and pain.
Dear Africans, it does not matter our ethnic group, region, country, religion, political group, gender, age, language or culture, it is time to truly choose leaders who follow the rule of law and respect the rights of the people. We must start by sweeping away the ill-smelling garbage they helped to produce—hatred, ethnic divisions, violence, poverty, oppression, injustice, immorality and greed—it is contaminating our continent and if we don’t sweep out the dirt and the rot ourselves, no one else will do it for us! Read more
French Is Now démodé - Out of Fashion
April 7, 2008 by OCI · Leave a Comment
Written By: Prof. Ali Mazrui Chancellor of Jomo Kenyatta University of Agriculture, Kenya.
The end of the Cold War unleashed a debate in France as to whether France should continue with its traditional role of a special relationship with its former African empire, or re-focus its orientation towards east and central Europe, and become a major economic and diplomatic force among former members of the Warsaw Pact.
French Europeanists are still urging a re-orientation towards new opportunities in Russia and Eastern EuropePoland-Media-Wanda-Rapaczynski . The Africanists among the French are still insisting that what Africa has to offer France is a cultural and linguistic empire, which can never be realised among former members of the Warsaw Pact. Russia, Hungary, Poland, and Czechoslovakia will never adopt French as their official language but Zaire, Senegal, Cote d ivoire, Guinea (Conakry) already have.
Which way should France turn? It is possible to argue that globally the end of the Cold War has partially interrupted the decline of the French language, while in Africa the post-Cold War era may set the stage for a new decline of the language. Look at these two trends more closely.
In what senses, if any, can a world language be declining in influence on the global stage? Before the end of the Cold War the decline of the French language was easier to recognise than the decline of English. This was partly because French was, in some cases, losing ground precisely because of the growing importance of English.
Many smaller European countries had decided since World War II on giving priority to the teaching of English in their schools, often at the expense of French and German. This included Scandinavian countries (Sweden, Norway, and Denmark), the Netherlands, Greece, and elsewhere.
In the former French Arab colonies (dependencies of the Arab world) Arabic had been gaining ground at the expense of French. This was certainly true of Syria and of some of the former French colonies of North Africa, the Maghreb. While the French language was still strong in Algeria, the Arabicisation policies even before the present Islamic challenge had challenged the supremacy of French.
Earlier than that, the collapse or decline of European aristocracies had already reduced the prestige of French in the cultural stratification of Europe. In the first half of the 20th Century the nobility of most European countries still extensively used French as the language of status and sophistication.
By a strange twist of destiny, the French revolution of 1789 was one of the first catastrophic blows against the aristocracies of the whole of Europe, but France thereby helped to weaken the status of the French in European capitals as well.
Through its revolution of 1789 (Liberty, EqualityEqual-Pay-No-Way , Fraternity), France helped to unleash the forces of egalitarianism in Europe. Yet, it was precisely those forces of egalitarianism that subsequently favoured English at the expense of French in much of Europe in the second half of the 20th Century. One of the gaps of scholarship in the world is research into precisely this wider field of linguistic consequences of the French revolution.
The collapse of the USSR and the disintegration of the Warsaw Pact at the end of the 20th Century left the US as the undisputed superpower. This added to the prestige of the English language as a global means of communication. In some cases this was at the expense of French . But was it also opening up new possibilities for French in Eastern and Central Europe?
Promotion of French language
The end of the Cold War may be having complex linguistic consequences. As Eastern Europe opened up with economic possibilities for France, is France likely to invest less and less in promoting its language and culture in Africa? Will the French language and culture in Africa be compromised in the wake of the end of the Cold War?
Also complex are the fortunes of French in Asia in the post-Cold War era. French colonies in Asia were more linguistically homogenous than British colonies in Asia. French colonies in Asia included Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos, the former French Indo-China. Each of those colonies was linguistically homogenous indigenously.
And so upon the departure of the imperial power, the native national language could more easily assert supremacy, especially when it was accomplished by militant nationalism and radical socialism. What the end of the Cold War has done is reduce the militancy of nationalism in Indo-China and de-radicalise its socialism. French in Vietnam and Cambodia may have a new lease on life but definitely in the shadow of English.
Conversely, the major British colonies in Asia were linguistically heterogeneous. Each of those big colonies needed the imperial language as a lingua franca, a bed among the native populations. This included India and what later became Pakistan. It also included Ceylon (Sri Lanka) and to a much lesser extent Burma (Myanmar). Malaysia is caught between English-proficient Chinese and Baharia proficient Malays.
The greater the indigenous linguistic diversity, the greater the need of the imperial language as a lingua franca. The end of the Cold War made little difference to this equation. And so English has survived better in India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka than French did in Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos until the post-Cold War era gave it a partial revival.
As the 20th Century came to a close, the story of French globally may have been a case of “Decline and Rise”. But as Africa entered the 21st Century, the direction of change may have been the reverse. The story of French in Africa may have been a case of “Rise and Decline”.
If France stops fighting for its legacy, French in Africa in the 21st Century will be subject to the challenge of English and indigenous languages. The linguistic heritage of France is therefore bound to experience a downward trend, for better or for worse.
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